By Akinwale Emmanuel
It is no news that Nigeria’s political sphere just witnessed the periodic election to elect candidates into the office of the presidency and governor of respective states. It is also no news that the just concluded election has a record of the election with the least voter turnout.
A critical look at this occurrence breeds the question, “why so?” Well, the major reason to be highlighted as regards this is the question of voter suppression. With no iota of surprise, the last time Nigeria was tagged to have indeed conducted a free and fair election was back in the June 12 1993 election. This election also, didn’t go without controversies.
WHAT ARE THE FACTS?
just about 25. 2 million voters voted in that election. Close to one million votes were voided, the declared winner won just about 8.8% of the total votes cast out of 93.4 million registered voters, with a collated figure of 87.2 million registered voters. Many commentators have attributed the low voter turn-out to voter suppression, voter intimidation and the scarcity of money and fuel, although those may not have been serious reasons for voter apathy. The people were enthusiastic, but they were disappointed by INEC’s gross incompetence.
In 1999, voter turn-out was 52.3 %; in 2003, over 63 million voters showed up– that is 69.1% turn out in Nigeria’s Presidential and National Assembly elections of that year; in 2007, the reported figure was 57.5%; and in 2011, 53.7%, with the loser in that election – General Buhari getting as many as a little over 15 million votes. In 2015, the turn-out figure dropped to 43.7%; later in 2019, 34. 75%, The bigger point to be made is that Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential election has had the worst turn-out in the whole of Africa in the last decade. In 2017, Rwanda recorded a 98.15% voter turn-out, which was considered the highest in the world.
Though Nigerians now have a President-elect in the person of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who emerged winner with the lowest margin of victory in contemporary Nigerian history. The total number of valid votes in this election is not even up to the total number of votes won by just two candidates in previous elections. But what the law states is that the man with the majority of votes and the highest number of votes in two thirds of the 36 states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory is to be declared winner. Section 134 of the 1999 Constitution which addresses this is already a matter of contention in both the public domain and the courts. It would be interesting to see how in the course of the Presidential Election Petition Tribunals, this diminishes or enhances the county’s jurisprudence in that regard.
In the just concluded election there were high cases of dereliction of duty by poling officials which includes the violation of Section (120) subsection (2 )- “Any polling official who fails to report promptly at his or her polling unit on an election day without lawful excuse commits an offence of dereliction of duty and is liable on conviction to maximum fine of N500,000 or imprisonment for a term of 12 months or both”. and Section (120) subsection(3) which states that: “Any polling agent, political party or party agent who conspires to make false declaration of result of an election commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a maximum fine of N500,000 or imprisonment for a term of 12 months or both”.
Also in section (125), it was clearly stated that, “Any person who at an election acts or incites others to act in a disorderly manner commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a maximum fine of N500,000 or imprisonment for a term of 12 months or both.” Not forgetting a gross violation of all clauses in section 126 of the electoral act.
It is however appalling that, INEC didn’t attempt to institute legal action against guilty parties despite evidences reported in tier 0 media outlets. This inadequacy coupled with a lot of other violations aforementioned is a yardstick which justifies that INEC was not dogmatic in following the electoral act, hence the gross incompeincometence in the conduct of election.
The violations of the electoral act aforementioned is not a precipitation because they could be highlighted as cases prevalent in preceding elections. Such that it has become a norm. We should therefore not be too perplexed with regard to the low voter turn-out AS IT A SEED THAT HAS BEEN left to germinate hitherto chracterising undemocratic forms of participation. All these factors coupled with the new term, “Japa” which is now prevalent among Nigerians has only heightened political apathy in the country.
NOW LET US CONDUCT A REVIEW ON THE CONCEPT OF VOTER SUPPRESSION
Restricting early voting.
For folks who have time-sensitive responsibilities like work or childcare, getting to the polls on election day can be a little tricky. That’s why early voting was encouraged in some form in the just concluded election. Therefore, according to CNN, “INEC officials were present at polling stations before they opened at 0830 in just 36.7% of cases according to our observers with 32.5% arriving an hour or more after voting was scheduled to have commenced”
Vote Buying.
Although vote buying appears to have reduced as compared with recent off-cycle elections, the centre said 11 per cent of observers reported some form of vote buying taking place in or around their polling units. This was highest in the North-west followed by the South-west and the North-east, CDD added.
“Vote buying is used more by political parties in their strongholds, where they want to ensure that those inclined to vote for them are encouraged to do so. For the most part, vote buying appears to be the preserve of the two major parties in the last two elections – the All Progressive Congress and People’s Democratic Party – with the Labour Party’s limited structures and resources meaning that it was less able to compete on this front.”
“This election also saw an increased use of basic foodstuffs, household goods and materials being exchanged for votes, with observers in states such as Kwara, Imo and Bayelsa all reporting numerous incidents. In Lagos, there was even evidence of politicians willing to provide bank transfers to voters under the guise of “business assistance schemes”, ostensibly a creative way to buy voters given the limitations on the availability of cash.”
Voter Intimidation
Intimidation, in many cases linked to identity or political party affiliation, was recorded across the country and was reported by 3.4 per cent of CDD observers.
“It was most commonplace in the northwest, south-south and southeast. One instance of voter intimidation reported by an observer in Anambra state detailed how party agents were standing aside (outside) the voting cubicle directing voters as to how they should cast their ballot in full view of INEC ad-hoc staff.”
Largely conducted by political parties thugs or loosely affiliated individuals, some of the intimidation were designed to suppress votes centred around ethnic identity, CDD said, citing examples of Lagos where threats were made against “Igbos by prominent political thugs like MC Oluomo.”
Overall, observers reported low incidents of violence, vandalism and destruction, which were observed in a small percentage of polling units, the centre said.
SCENARIOS OF VOTER SUPPRESSION IN THE ELECTION
There were cases of ethnic incitation by MC Oluomo prior to the Lagos State Gubernutorial election where he threatened the Igbo electorate. He was quoted saying:
“Any Igbo wen dem born well, make e come vote again; me I dey here” – This statement is a clear threat against electorates as well as an ethnic rhetorical incitation
Another man was quoted in a polling unit saying: “If you no fit vote APC for here, go your house. Nobody force you come here. I go come check am. If I see you vote another party, you go enter one chance. We no come joke for here” This statement is a clear violation of SECTION 126 of the electoral act emphasising on non-canvassing or threatening in pollinhg units as well as the concept of secrecy.
Political thugs supporting the ruling party also disrupted voting at Oba Yekini, Elegushi Street; Ikate, Lekki; Akinyele street in Aguda, Surulere and Fadeyi areas of Lagos state, scattering ballot boxes and interfering with the election process, in the presence of security men.
“I collected a couple of slaps for fighting back before I got pulled from the melee, into a house for my safety. Now I have to be smuggled out of the voting area because I have been marked,” a journalist and CEO of Afrobeats Intelligence Joey Akan said.
According to YIAGA AFRICA –think-tank team which sent out an observer team to give credible reports with regard to the election- as reported Dr Ezenwa he said, “In Sarkin Mudu Polling Unit (016), Giade Local Government Area of Bauchi, the People Democratic Party (PDP) agents were sighted by Yiaga observers bribing accredited voters “with a thousand naira, a wrapper and a pack of spaghetti each,” he said
“The voters hand over their ballot papers to party agents in exchange for the bribe,” the press statement read in parts. “A similar report was received from PU 006 Rangan Ward, Warji LGAof Bauchi on the distribution of wrappers, two thousand naira and a pack of spaghetti to voters.”
The statement added that agents working for the All Progressive Congress (APC) and the PDP respectively were observed sharing food, cash and alcoholic drinks with some voters in Apir market square 1, Makurdi, Benue state.
“In PU O6 Ward 05 Isoko North, Delta State, INEC officials for the polling unit received cash gift from the APC party agent present,” the statement read further. “Interference by Security Agents: A report alleging the abduction of NNPP party stakeholders by DSS operatives has been received from Bichi LGA, Kano state, where DSS operatives are reported to be arresting party agents and key stakeholders of the NNPP.”
Similarly, elections held in 2022, especially the governorship elections in Anambra, Ondo, Edo, Kogi, Ekiti and Osun states were characterised by massive vote buying, as testified to by election monitoring groups. Observers said voters were induced in almost all the polling units, as some of the perpetrators of the act were arrested by security and anti-corruption agencies.
Giving a post-mortem of the Ekiti election held in June, Yiaga Africa’s Watching The Vote (WTV) observers disclosed that party agents of the three major parties in the election, the All Progressives Congress (APC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) gave cash, ranging from N5,000 to N10,000, to induce voters to vote the parties’ candidates.
In conclusion, the case of voter suppression remains a loop in Nigeria’s politics and would continue to recur, unless a viable measure is introduced to clamp down on such insidious act. We can therefore conclude that based on the overly manipulative index in the just concluded election, Nigeria politics is still under-developed.
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